PSC REDISTRICTING: Preliminary injunction granted enjoining SOS from certifying candidates for Districts 1 & 5 pending final disposition of malapportionment claim… Molloy, Watford, Morris.
Bob Brown, Hailey Sinoff, and Donald Seifert bring this action against SOS Jacobsen alleging that the Montana Public Service Commission’s 5 districts are malapportioned in violation of the 14th Amendment in that they do not reflect the realities of Montana’s population distributions and these distortions run afoul of the 1 person 1 vote principle. They sought appointment of a 3-judge panel pursuant to 28 USC 2284(a). The 9th Circuit Chief Judge appointed a panel composed of District Judges Molloy and Morris and 9th Circuit Judge Watford. Plaintiffs then moved for a TRO and/or preliminary injunction to enjoin the candidate certification process in Districts 1 & 5 which are scheduled to hold elections in 2022. The TRO was granted and a preliminary injunction hearing was set for 1/7/22. Between issuance of the TRO and the 1/7 hearing Jacobsen responded in opposition to a preliminary injunction. Plaintiffs noted that she did not file an answer or other responsive pleading as required by Rule 12. At the hearing the parties acknowledged that they had agreed to construe Jacobsen’s response in opposition as a free-standing motion to dismiss or stay. Following oral argument the Court entered an order clarifying that the TRO would continue to 1/18 or until an order issued on the request for a preliminary injunction. Plaintiffs’ request for a preliminary injunction is granted. A final determination on the merits and any remedy is yet to be resolved.
Jacobsen argues that Plaintiffs’ claim is unripe because the Legislature has not had an opportunity to respond to the 2020 Census data as it was only released in 8/21. She points to “ample evidence that current legislators and holdover legislators will address this issue through the 2021-22 interim and in the 2023 regular session. This evidence consists of a letter from Rep. Zolnikov and an email from Sen. Hertz submitted after this case was filed, appearing to demonstrate interest in addressing reapportionment of the districts in the 2023 session.
“In determining whether a dispute is ripe, the court looks to the situation as of the time suit was filed. Watada (D.Haw. 2002). Events that occur after a suit is filed may moot the action, but the doctrine of ripeness is not affected by such subsequent events. Id. While the communications from Zolnikov and Hertz — or any like action from other legislators — may be the impetus for future events that have the potential to render Plaintiffs’ action moot, those communications and the Legislators’ purported intent have no effect on ripeness of this action. Moreover, ripeness is contingent on whether the facts demonstrate that there is yet any need for the court to act. Narouz (9th Cir. 2010). The communications from legislators support the proposition that some action is necessary to redistrict the PSC’s map, and the essential issue is whether the redrawn 5-district map should derive from the Legislature or the Federal Judiciary in advance of the 2022 election cycle. That question goes beyond the ripeness inquiry and strikes at the merits of the case. This case is ripe for adjudication.
Plaintiffs “must establish that they are likely to succeed on the merits, that they are likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, that the balance of equities tips in their favor, and that an injunction is in the public interest.” Winter (US 2008).
Plaintiffs make the case that the districts are unconstitutional because they deny every voter his “constitutional right to have his vote counted with substantially the same weight as that of any other voter.” Hadley (US 1970). The Supreme Court’s emphasis that “states must draw congressional districts with populations as close to perfect equality as possible,” Evenwel (US 2016), means that when a state
decides to select persons by popular election to perform governmental functions, the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment requires that each qualified voter must be given an equal opportunity to participate in that election, and when members of an elected body are chosen from separate districts, each district must be established on a basis that will insure, as far as is practicable, that equal numbers of voters can vote for proportionally equal numbers of officials. Hadley.
“Where the maximum population deviation between the largest and smallest district is less than 10% a state or local legislative map presumptively complies with the one-person, one-vote rule.” Evenwel. Where the difference exceeds 10% the map may only be constitutional if the state shows that the districts accommodate for some type of “traditional districting objective” such as “preserving the integrity of political subdivisions, maintaining communities of interest, and creating geographic compactness.” Id.
Considering the 2020 Census, the ideal population for each district would be 216,845. The population of the smallest district, District 1, deviates downwardly 14% from the ideal population while that of the largest, District 3, deviates upwardly 10%. Under the Evenwel formula, the maximum deviation is 24%. Jacobsen concedes that the 2020 Census indicates a shift in Montana’s population that “results in large deviations across representative political districts.” However, she argued at the hearing that the 2020 Census data is inapposite to the current challenge because, despite the 2022 election cycle, the Legislature will not have an opportunity to respond to the 2020 data until 2023, and thus Plaintiffs’ claims are essentially time-barred by Benisek (US 2018), which emphasized that “a party requesting a preliminary injunction must generally show reasonable diligence.” Accordingly, she argues that any viable challenge to the 2022 election cycle must be premised on the 2010 Census and such a challenge would fail because of the time lapse to the present action. She also argues that Plaintiffs are unlikely to succeed on the merits because the law requires that the Legislature take the first run at redistricting. Neither argument is persuasive at this point.
The argument that Plaintiffs’ challenge is time-barred is unpersuasive for several reasons. First, it is measured by data from the 2020 Census and seeks to compel redistricting of all districts. Thus assuming arguendo that Jacobsen’s time bar argument holds water it would be inapplicable to Plaintiffs’ challenge. They protest the boundaries of all districts, and 3 of the 5 will be subject to the 2024 election cycle in which the parties agree that the 2020 Census will be relevant. Notably, they agree that the current districts exhibit significant deviations based on the 2020 Census. Thus the breadth of Plaintiffs’ challenge and the parties’ agreement that the current district do not reflect the realities of Montana’s population distributions means they are likely to succeed on the merits. While the parties disagree about the remedy, that dispute is independent of any time-bar argument.
Second, the emphasis on diligence in Benisek does not preclude Plaintiffs’ challenge. The Benisek plaintiffs challenged an allegedly politically gerrymandered map and sought a preliminary injunction 6 years — 3 general election cycles — after it was adopted. The Supreme Court characterized this as an “unnecessary, years-long delay” that weighed against the preliminary injunction. Such a characterization does not give rise to an in essentia statute of limitations. Even if it did, the difference between alleged constitutional injuries between Benisek and this case casts doubt on the applicability of the Benisek reasoning. Unlike in Benisek, Plaintiffs’ challenge is not rooted in the release of a map that created unconstitutional districts based on malapportioned political groupings; they challenge a stale map on the basis that new data demonstrates that the districts which were once presumptively constitutional are no longer so.
Additionally, there is no statutory or constitutional requirement that the Legislature act at certain intervals to redistrict the PSC’s districts. (The Montana Constitution requires that legislative districts be reapportioned in the 3rd year after a decennial census but there is no authority stating an analogous timeline for reapportionment of the PSC districts.) Consequently, it is difficult to reconcile how, under Jacobsen’s theory, Plaintiffs have acted both prematurely and belatedly in bringing this challenge because there is no requirement that the Legislature consider or change the PSC’s districts on a specific timeline. At this stage, Plaintiffs have shown a likelihood of success on the merits.
According to Plaintiffs, the 2020 Census indicates that the 5 districts are constitutionally malapportioned, which will necessarily result in a violation of 1 person 1 vote if not corrected before the 2022 election cycle. Jacobsen argues that there is at least a colorable dispute of fact as to whether the deviations based on 2010 data are unconstitutional. At this stage Plaintiffs have the more persuasive argument. Viewing the issue as they frame it, there is a presumption of unconstitutionality because the maximum deviation is above 10%. If the 2022 election cycle proceeds on the current districts the 2020 Census shows that the voters will be precluded from exercising their 14th Amendment right to have their votes counted with substantially the same degree of weight as other votes. That such a violation might be limited to the districts up for election in 2022 does not eliminate the presently occurring harm because even temporally limited constitutional deprivations represent irreparable harm. Otter (9th Cir. 2012).
Jacobsen may yet show that the deviations of the current map based on the 2020 Census accommodate a recognized interest such as maintaining integrity of political subdivisions. Mahan (US 1973). But at this stage the presumption of unconstitutionality that attaches at this point gives rise to the likelihood of irreparable harm because the malapportionment appears to improperly distribute the weight carried by each vote in the districts. The concern is Jacobsen’s timing argument regarding the challenge, but Plaintiffs note that it is the stale mapping when measured by the 2020 Census that proves the point.
Even if the issue is viewed as Jacobsen frames it, Plaintiffs still show a likelihood of irreparable harm. At the hearing she noted that there may be fact issues as to whether the current districts under the 2010 Census are unconstitutional because the deviation hews somewhat closely to the 16% maximum that was found permissible in Mahan. However, in Mahan the State succeeded in rebutting the presumption of unconstitutionality by pointing to permissible legislative intent in preserving political subdivisions. Plaintiffs show that the State could have drawn a map in 2010 that preserved county boundaries while reducing the maximum deviation below 3%. Therefore at this juncture the presumption of unconstitutionality exists as to the existing map, even based on the 2010 Census.
In balancing the equities, both parties invoke confusion by voters and candidates and comity. As a threshold matter, the concern that any change to the maps will significantly disrupt and add confusion to the 2022 election cycle may be somewhat mitigated by expeditious resolution of this case. Thus the case will be set on an expedited trial or summary judgment briefing schedule so the merits may be resolved prior to the 3/14/22 filing deadline.
Jacobsen also argues that Plaintiffs’ requested relief is “unprecedented” and would likely exacerbate voter confusion. While the remedy if Plaintiffs succeed on the merits is reasonably subject to dispute, Jacobsen’s concerns about the appropriateness of the requested remedy do not tip the scales in her favor. The preliminary injunction is narrower than the relief Plaintiffs request on their overall challenge, and Jacobsen’s concerns that some voters might be shuffled throughout districts is speculative and does not diminish the reality that at this stage they have established a likelihood that a constitutional injury is occurring. Highlighting the possibility that confusion or other challenges may arise in connection with remedying the presumed injury does not obviate the injury.
As to comity, Jacobsen’s argument that the Legislature should have the opportunity to respond to the 2020 Census has merit. But at the same time the limited record shows that it has consistently failed to remedy malapportioned districts. Importantly, there is no timeline governing redistricting of the PSC districts. Left unresolved, there are likely significant violations of 1 person 1 vote. Plaintiffs’ showing of a likelihood of irreparable harm, which falls in the shadow of the Legislature’s inaction, and the lack of a constitutional impetus to guarantee a legislative remedy diminishes the persuasiveness of Jacobsen’s argument that deference to the Legislature is appropriate at the preliminary injunction stage. This factor tips in Plaintiffs’ favor.
The public has an interest in “fair and effective representation,” Evenwel; the public has an interest in “orderly elections” that may be furthered by temporarily restraining the candidate certification process while the PSC’s districts are under review, Benisek; and the public has an interest in “equal voting strength for each voter,” Hadley. Jacobsen does not dispute that the public possesses these interests but emphasizes that “the public interest inquiry primarily addresses impact on non-parties rather than parties.” (Bernhardt (9th Cir. 2003). Consequently, she argues that the Legislature’s interest in maintaining control over the redistricting process is owed deference until the “Legislature fails to timely act after having an adequate opportunity to do so.” Id. However, the Legislature has had opportunities to act and has failed to do so. Although the 2020 Census data was released in 8/21 it has not acted since 2003 to redistrict the PSC despite legislative bills to address the concern. The current data confirms what the 2010 data seems to show: the current districts are malapportioned. Thus, the public’s interest in effective representation and equal voting strength outweighs the Legislature’s interest in involvement in the process right now. And it is not precluded from acting in advance of the 2024 elections — or even the 2022 elections if a special session is called.
Jacobsen’s focus on the Legislature as a harmed non-party also emphasizes the need for public input and comment in the process during the next session. However, to allow the candidate certification to proceed based on a presumptively unconstitutional map and despite Plaintiffs’ showing that irreparable harm is likely occurring for the sake of legislative public comment without assured action would teeter close to elevating form over substance. The opportunity for public input is a mechanism that helps advance public interests in fair & effective representation; asking the public to endure a present injury to those interests so that it may have an opportunity to weigh in during a prospective legislative undertaking ignores the ubiquitous nature of 1 person 1 vote under the 14th Amendment.
Plaintiffs’ motion for a preliminary injunction is granted. Jacobsen is preliminarily enjoined from certifying candidates for PSC in Districts 1 & 5 pending a final disposition on the merits.
Candidate filing in Districts 1 & 5 would ordinarily begin 1/13/22 and close 3/14/22. An expedited scheduling order with requirements for pretrial proceedings, with the final pretrial conference and bench trial or hearing on dispositive motions set for 3/4/21, is issued so that this action is resolved prior to the 3/14/22 filing deadline.
Brown, Sinoff, and Seifert v. SOS Jacobsen, 44 MFR 266, 1/13/22.
Constance Van Kley & Rylee Sommers-Flanagan (Upper Seven Law), Helena, and Joel Krautter (Netzer Law Office), Sidney, for Plaintiffs; Brent Mead (AG’s Office).