CLEAN CAMPAIGN ACT: Requirement that political committees contemporaneously provide a candidate any campaign advertisement published within 10 days of an election if it refers to, but does not endorse, the candidate, does not pass constitutional muster… Molloy.
Montana Citizens for Right to Work challenges the “Fair Notice” provision of Montana’s Clean Campaign Act (MCA 13-35-402) on 1st Amendment and equal protection grounds.
Montana Citizens is registered as an incidental political committee. 6 days before the 11/20 election it sent 16,000 mailers to voters in 20 legislative districts with 3 components:
(1) 2020 candidate surveys with information on where local candidates stood on issues related to organized labor and union dues;
(2) letters elaborating on the candidate survey results and urging voters to express their views on right to work issues to the candidates;
(3) surveys to be returned that indicate whether the voter contacted the local candidates about right-to-work issues.
The “mailer would not qualify as a direct endorsement of any particular candidate/s, and none directly call for the election of any candidate/s or the defeat of other candidate/s.” (As a point of interest, in Bayless (9th Cir. 2003) — a suit challenging a similar statute in Arizona — the plaintiff complied with the law and only then challenged its constitutionality. Doing so did not prejudice the plaintiff’s standing but “demonstrated a commendable respect for the rule of law.”)
On 10/30/20 Trent Bolger of the Montana Democratic Party filed a complaint with CPP Mangan alleging that Montana Citizens violated the Fair Notice provision under §13-35-402 when it did not notify the candidates identified in the mailers. Mangan upheld Bolger’s complaint and offered to settle the controversy if Montana Citizens agreed to an $8,000 fine. Montana Citizens instead sued Mangan 9/13/21 and requested summary judgment. A hearing was held 11/30/21 following which the parties were ordered to file supplemental briefing on Bayless.
Montana Citizens first argues that the Fair Notice provision violates the 1st Amendment, insisting that because it is a content-based restriction that is not viewpoint neutral it must meet the requirements of strict scrutiny and fails to do so. Mangan argues that the lower standard of “exacting” scrutiny is the proper measure because the provision is merely a disclosure statute and, under this standard, it is constitutional. Alternatively, he takes the position that any offending part of the statute can be severed to meet the 1st Amendment’s strictures. Montana Citizens has the better argument on both points. When all is said and done, a statute is presumptively constitutional if it “applies to particular speech because of the topic discussed or the idea or message expressed. Reed (US 2010). Because the Fair Notice provision is content-based, strict scrutiny applies. (The fact that “exacting scrutiny” also requires that the law be “narrowly tailored,” Bonta (US 2021), diminishes the import of this conclusion. Thus the provision would fail under either standard.)
To survive strict scrutiny Mangan must show that §13-35-402 is narrowly tailored to achieve a compelling state interest. Victory Processing (9th Cir. 2019). The statute does not survive such scrutiny.
Mangan insists that the provision serves 3 compelling interests: “deterring corruption or the appearance of corruption,” “providing the electorate with information,” and “protecting candidates’ right to respond late in a campaign.” He presents no evidence that the disclosure of negative campaign ads to individual candidates combats corruption and fails to connect the provision to an informed electorate. That leaves only the State’s purported interest in giving candidates a right to respond to negative campaign ads on the eve of an election. In a perfect political place that makes sense. But last-minute negativity is a reality whether endorsed or not. Mangan has not shown that last-minute ads are more or less likely to contain “false” information than any other advertisement. His reliance on Alvarez (US 2012) to show that the right to respond is a compelling interest is misplaced. Although Alvarez stated that “the First Amendment itself ensures the right to respond to speech we do not like,” “it is key that the regulatory scheme in Alvarez dealt entirely, and only, with false speech.” 281 Care Comm. (8th Cir. 2014). And as explained in McIntyre (US 1995), a case challenging an Ohio law prohibiting anonymous campaign literature, the state “cannot seek to punish fraud indirectly by indiscriminately outlawing a category of speech, based on its content, with no necessary relationship to the danger sought to be prevented.” Based on the record in this case, the “right to respond” does not provide a compelling interest justifying the burdens that Montana has placed on “negative” campaign speech. Mangan “has simply decried ‘negative campaigning’ in general, and while the Court might agree that negative campaigning is distasteful, that is not a sufficient basis for interfering with core first amendment rights.” Shrink Missouri Gov’t PAC (ED Mo. 1995).
Moreover, even if the State’s identified interest was compelling, Mangan has not shown that the statute is narrowly tailored to achieve that interest. It requires disclosure in all contexts except endorsements. A mailer that merely outlined voting records of 2 candidates on an issue with no further commentary would be subject to disclosure. Thus the law is overbroad. It is also underinclusive. It only applies in the last 10 days of an election, an omission that is particularly problematic under Montana law as absentee ballots are mailed 25 days before an election. It also does not cover certain types of communication. Mangan provides no evidence that oral communication is inherently different from print. Disclosure is not required if a candidate or PAC went to a town hall meeting and disparaged an opponent, even falsely.
Mangan’s principal argument is premised on the unique interest a candidate has in responding to negative advertisements. He argued at oral argument that it was not underinclusive because it need not include endorsements to achieve the State’s interest. Thus extending the statute to include disclosure related to endorsements would frustrate the very purpose of the law. Therefore it cannot be made constitutional through severance.
Montana Citizens also challenges the Fair Notice on equal protection grounds. It alleges that 2 groups are not subject to the provision: speakers who are not candidates or political committees and mailers that endorse candidates. For purposes of the Fair Notice, political committees and candidates are not “similarly situated” to other individuals. Montana Citizens’ argument as to endorsing and non-endorsing political committees raises a closer question as they represent similarly situated groups that are classified based on their viewpoint on a candidate and that distinction is fundamental to the stated interest behind the provision. Mangan provides no argument to support a compelling interest in such viewpoint discrimination. Absent any argument or evidence as to how a compelling state interest is served in treating PACs espousing different messages incongruously, the law violates the Equal Protection Clause.
Many would agree that while Montana’s desire to promote discourse in response to negative campaign advertisements is laudable, but the 1st Amendment cannot be so easily overcome. “The First Amendment requires that politicians ‘tolerate insulting, even outrageous, speech in order to provide adequate breathing space to the freedoms protected by the First Amendment.’” Bayless (quoting Boos (US 1988)).
§13-35-402 is facially unconstitutional and its provisions cannot be severed.
Montana Citizens for Right to Work v. CPP Mangan, 44 MFR 268, 1/18/22.
Matthew Monforton (Monforton Law Offices), and Quentin Rhoades (Rhoades, Siefert & Erickson), Missoula, for Montana Citizens; Jaime MacNaughton (Office of CPP) and John Morrison & Anne Sherwood (Morrison, Sherwood, Wilson & Deola), Helena, for Mangan.